Anti-Roma Hate Crime

Verbal abuse and discrimination most common in Brå’s data

Verbal abuse in the form of unlawful threats, defamation, insults or harassment were found in around half of the police reports on anti-Roma hate crime examined in the study. In addition to Swedish anti-Roma expressions, such as “tattare”, “zigenare” and “gypsy”, other racist, misogynistic and dehumanising expressions are also used. Similar expressions are also found in cases of vandalism, such as graffiti or stickers posted in public spaces. When anti-Roma messages are expressed in public, they are sometimes accompanied by far-right extremist messages such as Nazi symbols.

Both police reports of anti-Roma hate crime and Brå’s interviews with hate crime victims contain descriptions of physical assault, although these are relatively few in number. In addition, the material contains examples of other forms of aggressive behaviour directed primarily at socially vulnerable EU/EEA citizens, who are often perceived to be Roma. These examples include people throwing objects at the vulnerable individuals or kicking their belongings.

The interviews show that anti-Roma sentiment often manifests itself in various discriminatory acts directed at Roma or people perceived to be Roma. The examples highlight both discrimination that may constitute a criminal offence and more structural forms of discrimination that would not always be classified as hate crime in the legal sense, even though the incidents are experienced as equally abusive by those subjected to them. Common forms of discrimination include being denied entry to establishments such as restaurants and bars, as well as being falsely accused of theft in shops. There are also examples of negative differential treatment in dealings with various public sector agencies and other actors.

Anti-Roma hate crime occurs in a variety of settings

Both the interviews and the police reports show that anti-Roma hate crime occurs in a range of settings and contexts. These include offences that occur in the victim’s home, in public places, on business premises, and in dealings with public agencies and other societal actors. Thus, the relationship between the perpetrator and the victim can also vary considerably. Perpetrators may include neighbours who express hatred or make threats, shop staff and security guards. There are also instances of individuals not known to the victims shouting abuse at people they perceive to be Roma in public places. In cases where violence or other aggressive behaviour has been directed at adults, the perpetrator was usually someone with whom the victim was not previously acquainted.

The link between visibility and vulnerability

The study shows that visible attributes perceived as Roma can increase the risk of being targeted for hate crime. A recurring example in the interviews is traditional Roma clothing. Since such clothing is more commonly worn by Roma women, they are also described as being more vulnerable than Roma men. Socially vulnerable EU/EEA citizens who engage in begging in public places are also described as being more vulnerable to hate crime than others.

Children are more frequently subjected to abuse

Children’s vulnerability to anti-Roma hate crime is similar to that of adults in that the offences can occur in a variety of environments and contexts. The incidents also vary, ranging from verbal anti-Roma abuse to threats and violence. In the interviews, schools were specifically highlighted as a place where children first encounter anti-Roma sentiment and anti-Roma hate crime, and where such victimisation is sometimes repetitive in the form of bullying. Interviewees also described how verbal abuse sometimes escalates into violence in the school environment, and several expressed the view that schools have failed to take action to curb this type of abuse.

In police reports, it is roughly equally common for the victim to be a boy or a girl, but half of the reports concerning offences against boys relate to assault, whereas this is the case for just under one-fifth of the reports where the victim was a girl. Among reports where the victim was a girl, the offences more commonly take the form of verbal abuse (harassment, unlawful threats, defamation).

Several barriers to filing a police report

The number of unreported anti-Roma hate crimes is thought to be high. The interview descriptions show victimisation to be common and varied, but relatively few anti-Roma hate crimes are registered by the police. The interview data show that there are several interrelated reasons why Roma or other groups who may be subjected to anti-Roma hate crime choose not to report their victimisation to the police. The main reasons are a lack of trust in the criminal justice system in general and the Swedish Police Authority in particular, a fear of negative consequences, and the perception that making a police report is an arduous process. Many interviewees recounted negative experiences of contacts with the police and described concerns about being treated poorly as a contributing factor to their decision not to report offences.

Another common reason for not reporting is the perception that a report will not result in any action anyway. Only a small number of the anti-Roma hate crime reports studied had resulted in prosecutions. This is in part because hate crimes often consist of high-volume offences that are difficult to investigate, with a generally low clearance rate.

In addition to the police, there are several other organisations with related remits that focus on various forms of anti-Roma discrimination. For the individual, it can be difficult to know where to turn to report the abuse they have suffered and what support they can expect. When subjected to discrimination, some incidents may, for example, constitute unlawful discrimination, as regulated in the Criminal Code, while others involve violations of the Discrimination Act. One type of incident must be reported to the police, and the other to the Equality Ombudsman. Brå’s interviewees described how this places high demands on individuals who may find it difficult to navigate among these different bodies. While this raises the threshold for reporting and results in incidents going unreported, it also creates a sense of frustration that can lead to mistrust in society’s ability to protect Roma people.

Consequences of hate crime and strategies to reduce vulnerability

Brå’s interviews show that the consequences of anti-Roma hate crime vary. These may include direct emotional consequences for the victim, such as fear or depression, and feelings of being belittled or viewed as “inferior” in connection with the incident. They may also include consequences that arise later, such as stress, trauma, mental health issues, sleep difficulties and social exclusion. The police reports also contain examples of victims who suffered physical injuries as a result of the reported offences.

A prominent theme in the interviews concerns how Roma people’s exposure to hate crime and related expressions of anti-Roma sentiment results in them feeling that they have to conceal their Roma identity in various contexts. The interviewees also described how they avoid certain places or choose alternative routes to minimise their chances of being targeted. Several said that they avoid public transport for fear of being targeted and instead use other means of transport, particularly if they are wearing traditional Roma or festive clothing. Some interviewees also described how they always shop at the same shop, where the staff know them, to avoid being singled out and harassed by shop staff.

While such victimisation can have a negative impact on the victims’ well-being and restrict their right to express their Roma identity, it is clear from Brå’s interviews that many also actively challenge the behaviour they encounter. This usually involves confronting the perpetrator and pointing out how their behaviour is wrong. At the same time, interviewees suggested that how a person reacts to such treatment may depend to some extent on their general state of mind and how they are feeling on that particular day.

Anti-Roma hate crime can have particularly negative consequences for Roma children. Brå’s interviewees described how Roma children often grow up with an inherited fear based on the victimisation they have witnessed their parents endure, which can also be reinforced by the children’s own experiences of victimisation. Since children are at a formative stage of development, the emotional consequences of victimisation can have long-term effects.

Interviewees also described children who opt out of mother-tongue language instruction at school for fear of discrimination and victimisation or who may even stop attending school as a result of such victimisation, leading to several other negative consequences.

The right to express one’s identity is under threat

When the Roma identity is concealed and pupils opt out of mother-tongue language instruction in school, there is a risk that the individual – and, by extension, the group as a whole – will lose their language and culture. This creates a sense of isolation whereby people feel neither part of mainstream society nor able to fully live their lives within their own community.

Many interviewees believe that concealing their identity is a necessary strategy to stand any chance of finding a job or a place to live. Among other things, this leads to the language being spoken mainly among family and friends, and expressions of Roma identity being confined to private circles. This, in turn, has further negative consequences for the individual and the group in terms of a lack of role models who could challenge negative prejudices against the Roma as a group.

Brå’s assessment

A stronger dialogue and better cooperation between civil society and various public sector agencies are essential for combating anti-Roma hate crime. At the same time, preventive work against anti-Roma hate crime also requires a broader effort to tackle all forms of anti-Roma sentiment.

Various initiatives are currently being implemented to combat anti-Roma sentiment and hate crime, but more can be done. For example, these efforts would benefit from a better coordination of various initiatives and the formulation of common indicators and measurable targets that can be monitored and evaluated. In order to assess whether initiatives are effective, monitoring must include outcome measures that are clearly linked to the defined targets. Anti-Roma sentiment and anti-Roma hate crime also need to be specifically highlighted in the problem definitions concerning hate crime, and the measures to combat this kind of crime, contained in various policy documents issued by relevant agencies, including within the criminal justice system, so that the issue is not deprioritised or rendered invisible.

It would also be useful for the local and regional situational status reports produced as part of crime prevention work to include anti-Roma hate crime as a means of raising awareness of this type of crime. Furthermore, schools constitute a key actor in combating the victimisation of children. Procedures and guidelines are essential for ensuring the quality of schools’ work to combat anti-Roma hate crime and expressions of hate.

The study’s findings show that police reports on acts classified as hate crime by the police do not provide a sufficient picture of the nature of the anti-Roma hate crime occurring in Sweden. While measures are needed to increase the likelihood of reporting among victims of anti-Roma hate crime, the police also need to improve their ability to flag police reports as hate crime in cases where there may be a hate crime motive. The study’s findings also point to a need to strengthen the Swedish Police Authority’s ongoing work to foster dialogue and cooperation with Roma groups.

Alongside the work of the criminal justice system, a national body tasked with coordinating information about and access to various national and regional support services could also increase the number of people seeking help, as well as the likelihood of offences being reported by individuals who experience anti-Roma and other forms of hate crime, as well as other manifestations of racism and discrimination. At present, opportunities for help and support are described as difficult to access, and many people are unaware of what support is available.